Johnson’s Decision to Ban Islam4UK is Flat Wrong

January 12th, 2010 by The Parallax Brief

The Guardian’s Michael White today used his daily column to argue that Home Secretary Alan Johnson’s decision to proscribe Islam4UK may be against his own prejudice not to ban political organizations “unless absolutely necessary, but you have to draw the line sometimes, partly to show there is a line”.

This view is plain wrong. There’s no other way to put it if you value freedom or democracy: it’s plain wrong.

The difference between a dictatorship and a democracy is not that a dictatorship has ruthless, unpleasant sorts like Stalin and Hitler who do ruthless, unpleasant things, whereas democracies has nice, good looking chaps like Jack Kennedy and Barack Obama who, whether we agree with them or not, do things with the best possible of intentions. It’s that a free democracy tolerates criticism, allows the voters to kick out the government on a whim, and enshrines the right to say whatever you want about whichever subject you want, whereas a dictatorship does not tolerate criticism and refuses to let the voters hold it to account.

The true test of a democracy isn’t its ability to protect the rights of those from the mainstream — a dictatorship does that. The true test of the strength of our rights is how they protect those from the extremes; those that the majority finds distasteful. No matter how loathsome Islam4UK may be, it’s impossible to take away it’s members’ right to free speech without weakening our own.

Besides which, even ignoring the important matters of what it says about the strength of our democracy, Islam4UK must be one of the best recruiting agents for the fight against Islamic extremism.

Hitchens: The Best Thing for East Germany Would Have Been to Let Disney Take it Over

November 11th, 2009 by The Parallax Brief

Love or loath Peter Hitchens, one has to agree that his work is fantastically recalcitrant and written in wonderfully muscular English prose. The Parallax Brief’s twelve readers should follow this link and read his whole article on what he views as the fake joy which has manifested during the celebrations for the anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall; however, one particular section, on freedom, caught the Parallax Brief’s attention.

“…there were admirable aspects of East German society, as many former East Germans will now tell you. The trouble is that the price paid for them was much too high, and that the East German system, which is well described in the book Stasiland and the film The Lives of Others, was cruel, often to the point of being actively murderous, intrusive, corrupt, wholly dishonest and power-worshipping.

Well, there are lots of governments like that, and ours is slowly but alarmingly turning in that direction. Would that have happened if the Cold War had continued to keep the domestic left out of political office, and if the warning of the real existing Big Brother state over there had continued to exist? I wonder. I have often thought that the best solution for East Germany would have been for it to be taken over by Disney, and run as a vast theme park in which people could see the otherwise unbelievable operation of socialism in action. I saw East Germany at first hand, and even I find it difficult to believe what I know to be true. How will the next generation learn from this awful mistake? They won’t credit that it actually happened.”

Whether or not one agrees with Hitchens’s now familiar doomsaying about the current levels of liberty in Britain and our trajectory for the future, these two paragraphs illustrate something that people all to often forget.

The temptation is often to dismiss movements like Nazism by arguing that ‘we’ would never fall for something that that, and making disdainful comparisons between the freedom loving people of the west and those dupes further east willing to sacrifice liberty for prosperity.

But such thinking is slothful.

Tyranny need not come via revolution, or be imposed on an unwilling nation by a ruthless demagogue, but may actually come via popular consent.

There are many situations in which tyranny may be welcomed by a population, most of which, such as grave social and economic disorder and hardship, are well understood. However, most of the time, tyranny creeps upon a society: the population doesn’t notice, politicians act with the best intentions, police, soldiers and secret services just want to protect the country, and the press feels it can’t criticise.

Perhaps, for instance, we should think about that in relation to the news yesterday that every single website you visit, phone call you make, and email and text message you send will now be saved by the communications provider for a minimum of one year, and will be accessible by the government.

The same goes for free speech. Making an overtly racist speech, or hurling anti-semitic insults, or criticizing harshly a religion may be distasteful — and it is clear any reasonable society would scorn people who do so — but that same reasonable society would permit them, because free speech is absolute.

Yet we have now lost this right in the United Kingdom. And we all think it’s jolly reasonable, because can’t these hateful people be shut up? Well, yes, they can, but then we won’t be free to say what we think anymore.

Who has the right to make the decision about what is can be said and what cannot? Who decides what political views the Parallax Brief can hear and which are too insulting for him to be exposed to? Who has that authority in the UK? And what happens when everyone then thinks you’re saying something unpleasent?

Our country and way of life is precious, but one cannot protect freedom by taking it away.

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We Have No Right to Silence Griffin, BNP

October 19th, 2009 by The Parallax Brief

The Parallax Brief genuinely has no idea why the BNP’s forthcoming Question Time appearance has caused quite this of amount indecorous flapping in Westminster and in the media. The latest development is a desperate rearguard action by Peter Hain, the Welsh Secretary, and one of the government frontbenchers most outspoken against the BNP’s Question Time bow. According to the Independent, Hain has written a letter to the Beeb, telling the corporation that it runs “a “serious risk” of a legal challenge if it allows Nick Griffin to participate.” The basis for this latest fusillade in the effort to deny the BNP a television platform is connected to the recent decision by Griffin, made under pressure from the Equality and Human Rights Commission, to change his party’s constitution to allow non-whites to join.

“Ah-ha!” Says Hain. That won’t happen for another month, meaning the BBC has invited on Question Time an illegally constituted party.

The BBC, according to the Indy article, has claimed it makes no judgment on the legality of the BNP, arguing that, “If there were to be an election tomorrow, the BNP would be able to stand.”

As far as the Parallax Brief can tell, most talking heads (both of the journalist and politician sort) fall into two camps on the BNP Question Time issue. First, there are those who view the BNP as abhorrent and against everything that Britain stands for, and therefore not the sort of chaps who either deserve, or should be given, a national television platform from which to publicise their hateful cause; and then there are those who agree, but believe that providing that platform will actually go some way to exposing them to a wider audience as abhorrent and hateful.

Now, this — along with the internal wrangling within the Cabinet about who will and who won’t sit at a table with Griffin or whether to even turn up at all — is of tremendous interest for those of us interested in political strategy. Interesting, perhaps, but wholly irrelevant and missing the only point which should have any bearing on this matter: The BNP is a British political party, operating on British soil, and is about to appear on British television. And Britain, lest we forget, is a country in which citizens and political organisations may speak freely. Make no mistake, the BNP is a dangerous combination of idiotic populist economic policies and brazen racism. But why that should matter when it comes to the right to speak freely, and, more important, a citizen’s right to hear freely, is beyond the Parallax Brief. Liberty is only as robust in a society as how it is applied to the minority groups in that society. One can’t say that we have freedom of speech in the United Kingdom if we silence everyone we find somewhat distasteful. Of course, the BNP is distasteful, but it would be even more distasteful to abrogate its and its members’ inalienable rights to free speech.

There was never a better excuse to roll out the hackneyed Voltaire line “I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it,” because the BNP, odious as it may be, deserves the same BBC treatment as received by all other political parties of its size.

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