A six month-long French Parliamentary report concluded that Muslim dress should be banned schools, hospitals, public transport and government offices.
From the Jakarta Globe:
“The wearing of the full veil is a challenge to our republic. This is unacceptable,” the report said. “We must condemn this excess.” The commission however stopped short of proposing broader legislation to outlaw the burqa in the streets, shopping centres and other public venues after raising doubts about its constitutionality.
…the commission called on parliament to adopt a resolution stating that the burqa was “contrary to the values of the republic” and proclaiming that “all of France is saying ‘no’ to the full veil.” The National Assembly resolution paves the way for legislation making it illegal for anyone to appear with their face covered at state-run institutions and in public transport for reasons of security.
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Women who turn up at the post office or any government building wearing the full veil should be denied services such as a work visa, residency papers or French citizenship, the report recommended. Critics of the “burqa debate” have warned the measures risk stigmatising France’s six million Muslims who are already bristling at the government’s launching of a national identity debate that has exposed fears about Islam.
The Parallax Brief may not know enough about the “values of the Republic” to argue whether the burqa is contrary to them or not, but he does know that the authors of the report have produced a conclusion that is contrary to the values of western-style liberal democracy.
Western democracies are founded on a tiny clutch of magnificently simple and irreducible values, perhaps the primary of which is that a private individual has the right to do just about whatever he pleases as long as he is not infringing on the rights of others. Obviously, that’s something that is permitted to differing levels in different democracies, and which can have a variety of interpretations, but it is a belief which is integral to our way of life.
This belief even extends to activities which we view as damaging or immoral. Having unprotected sex with a great many partners is both dangerous and, many would argue, immoral, but we don’t pass a law to make illegal the activities of the nation’s lotharios.
An example more pertinent to France’s burqa debate is that we allow fascist parties to exist, despite the fact they stand against much of what we believe, and, if they ever gained power, would likely abrogate many of our freedoms: They may stand against our liberal beliefs, but our liberal beliefs lead us to conclude that we must tolerate their existence.
Similarly, in Britain, we believe that people are free to wear what they want, and free to practice their religion, and just because the burqa is a physical manifestation of a culture that is neither western nor liberal, doesn’t mean that we should ban it. Indeed, despite the fact that the Parallax Brief sides with the standard feminist view that forcing the burqa on women — or bringing up girls so they ‘want’ to wear such a thing, whichever way you want to phrase it — is absolutely against western liberal values, he also knows that our western liberal values demand we permit it. There’s no right not to be offended by clothing. A woman has the right to wear what she wants, whether that be a tiny miniskirt and top which covers barely more flesh than a bikini, or a burqa at the other end of the spectrum.
Our culture is not defined by a specific set of clothes, but by the freedom to wear virtually whichever clothes one wants. Within this context, wearing the burqa in a land with a Judeo-Christian heritage is as much a part of Western culture as kids dressed like Sid Vicious.

The Guardian’s Michael White today used his daily column to argue that Home Secretary Alan Johnson’s decision to proscribe Islam4UK may be against his own prejudice not to ban political organizations “unless absolutely necessary,
Ignore what the opinion and editorial columns tell you: there is nothing wrong with Switzerland’s decision to ban the construction of minarets. First, no matter what reason individual citizens had for voting no, a vote is a vote and an expression of freedom and democracy. Second, those reasons don’t necessarily have to be racist. The Swiss are notoriously conservative and protective of their picturesque environment and urban areas, and it doesn’t take too much of a leap to imagine that minarets could be viewed as an architectural pollutant. Think Prince Charles and his London carbuncles. The vote does not mean curtailing freedom to practice Islam or a restriction on the construction of mosques. Noise pollution laws already outlaw the call to prayer, the main purpose of a minaret.
The danger of such votes, then, is twofold: First, that dark human emotions will be brought to the surface when they are inevitably stirred by the populists willing to use any tactic to win, but second, and not to be forgotten, that well meaning people, who are more interested in maintaining the architectural image of idyllic Switzerland, are duped into passing judgement on a whole culture that can later be used to justify all kinds of insidious acts.
Sean O’Neill, the crime and security editor at the Times, really ought to think harder about 

Libertarians sure know how to pick ‘em. First there was the 2006 Ludwig Von Misus institute report on Somalia, 
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